Table of Contents
Dedication
Editorial Note
Preface
Abbreviations/List of Conventions
Chapter 1:
Introduction
Purpose and organization
Expression of possessive relation
Discourse related interpretation
Interpreting bare nouns
Marking nouns for specificity and salience
Plural strategies
Clause structure
Small clause
Relative clause
The Internal Structure of Yorùbá DP
DP and the D position
Genitive structure in DP
D(emonstrative) and NP
Modification
Chapter 2:
Yorùbá Genitive constructions
Introduction
The semantics of the R relation
Three kinds of R-relation
“Possessive” versus “Genitive”
Possessor and Possessum
The three types of genitive constructions in Yorùbá
The syntax of the R relation
Possessor-Possessum as a co-argument relation
Base structure for Yorùbá genitives
Other languages with overt genitive morpheme
Possessor-Possessum as a Head-Complement relation
Parallels between
V-syntax and N-syntax
Parallels between the verbal possessive and the
nominal genitive
Parallels between IP-syntax and DP-syntax
The Yorùbá nominal genitive: syntax
Yorùbá genitive constructions involve a co-argument relation
Possessum raising in Yorùbá genitive constructions
What moves: N or NP?
Evidence from modifier placement
Evidence from structural ambiguity
Evidence from selectional restrictions
Genitive pronouns
The Yorùbá nominal genitive: syntax-phonology interaction
Spelling out the genitive: cross-linguistic evidence
The phonological distribution of the Mid Tone Syllable
Analysis
Analysis segment
Relating
Conclusion
I: the Mid Tone Mora is an underlying Mora μ 57
II: the Mid Tone Mora as phonologically conditioned
The Mid Tone Mora is not a genitive morpheme
The Mid Tone Mora as a prosthetic vowel
The Mid Tone Mora as a mark of hesitation
the Mid Tone Mora to L-deletion
The necessary and sufficient conditions for L-deletion
MTM & L-deletion are in complementary distribution
Chapter 3:
ti-genitives as reduced relative clauses
Introduction
The parallel between ti genitives and tí relative clauses
Two structures for relative clauses
Relative clauses as complements to D
Relative clauses as adjuncts to NP
ti genitives are reduced relative clauses
M-tone ti and H-tone tí
MTM and HTM
M-tone ni and H-tone ní
The significance of H-tone/M-tone alternations
The ti N construction
ti as Complementizer analysis
ti as N analysis: Awóbùlúyì (2004)
Assigning genitive case to the possessor
The co-argument analysis: exceptional case marking
The Head-Complement analysis: case under government
Assigning structural case to the raised possessum
The problem
Assigning Structural case to the raised possessum I: Nominative
Assigning Structural case to the raised possessum II: Accusative
Genitive Case assignment and co-occurrence of the MTM with genitive ti
Case alternations: the Mid Tone Mora or ti
Case stacking: the Mid Tone Mora and ti
Interpretive effects of Case stacking
The co-occurrence of the copula jë with genitive ti
Other syntactic contexts for the R-relation: prepositional uses of ti
láti as a locative P at the right edge of P
ti as a locative P at the left edge of the P
ti as a marker of adjunct extractio
Conclusion
Chapter 4:
Interpreting Yorùbá bare nouns
Introduction
The determinants for interpreting Yorùbá bare nouns
Verb classes
Permanent states
Temporary states
Events
Distinguishing “temporary-state-events” and “permanent states”
Subject versus object position
Discourse-linking
What conditions the generic construal of bare nouns?
P(ermanent)-states have a lexical GEN operator
Bare noun object of transitive P-states
Bare noun subject of transitive P-states
Bare noun subject of intransitive Permanent-states
T(emporary)-states require a grammatical GEN operator
Bare noun object of transitive T-state
Bare noun subject of transitive T-state
On the absence of intransitive T-state in Yorùbá
Events require a grammatical GEN operator
Bare noun object of transitive event
Bare noun subject of transitive event
Bare noun subject of intransitive event
Analysis of grammatically conditioned genericity
Extending grammatically conditioned genericity to Permanent State verbs
Contrast between English and Yorùbá genericity: evidence for default aspect
What conditions the indefinite construal of Yorùbá bare nouns?
Defining indefiniteness
Generic and indefinite construals are in complementary distribution
Elsewhere case: indefinite bare nouns are bound by existential operator
What conditions the definite construal of Yorùbá bare nouns
Defining Definiteness
Definite construal is unavailable in out-of-the-blue contexts
Definite construal arises from Discourse linking
Consequences of the analysis
Bare nouns are structurally ambiguous
Bare nouns can be NP or DP
Critique of previous analysis (Ajíbóyè 2001)
Implication for the analysis of genitive constructions
Conclusion
Chapter 5:
Marking specificity and salience in nominal expressions
Introduction
Specificity in Yorùbá: kan
Defining specificity
Marking specificity
Yorùbá
English
Turkish
Gungbe
Testing for specificity I: Speaker knowledge Ludlow and Neale (1991) 177
Testing for specificity II: the subset relation Enç (1991)
Yorùbá
English
Turkish
Salience in Yorùbá: náà
Defining Salience
Uniqueness
Additivity
Identity
Marking salience in Yorùbá
Focused náà-arguments: uniqueness or identity function
Náà marks additivity or identity with (non-focused) arguments 190 5.2.3 Testing for salience
Yorùbá salient nominals can’t be indefinite
Yorùbá salient nominals can be “free choice”
No dedicated marking for salience in English
náà combines with other functional elements within the DP
The syntax of kan and náà
The number interpretation of náà
Conclusion
Chapter 6:
Plural strategies in Yorùbá
Introduction
Contextually determined plurality
The General number analysis
Unspecified for number resulting in ambiguity
Unspecified for number with obligatory singular interpretation
Semantically determined plurality
The feature percolation analysis 209
Inherently plural Quantifiers
Inherently plural numerals
Accounting for the floating tone of the m-numerals
Other languages that pattern with Yorùbá
Morphologically determined plurality
Àwọn marks plural on nouns
Àwọn as a pronoun
Appositive analysis of PL-NP
Internal structure of Àwọn
wọn- marks plural on demonstratives
Reduplication marks plural on modifiers
What prevents N copy: blocking?
The emergence of the unmarked
Multiple plural marking
Feature percolation versus feature matching
Comparing analyses
The plural parameter (Déprez 2004)
Plural marking as a functional head or as a modifier (Wiltschko 2004)
Plural marking as a functional head
Plural marking as a modifier
Conclusion
References
Subject
Index
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